州窥探迅速成为一个正式和专业fessional activity, with the Metropolitan Police establishing the Special Branch in 1883, and then in 1909 the Secret Service Bureau – which evolved during WW1 into the Directorate of Military Intelligence – Sections 5 (MI5) and 6 (MI6). Between the wars, spying and harassment of workers organisations escalated, with the Communist Party a prime target, and the Labour Party by association. Naturally, Fascists were given a much easier time.
The post-WW2 reappearance of radicalism in the 1960s heralded another shift up in the state’s snooping operations, as they feared losing control of both minds and the streets. The formation of the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), or ‘Hairies’, by the Special Branch in 1968 marked a dramatic shift. Spycops went undercover, living as radicals, in order to infiltrate groups. The adoption of the identities of dead children, and coercive sexual liaisons soon followed, along with the renewal of spycops acting as agent provocateurs.
国家侦听预算和人员制作成长，额外的SPYCOP服装，如国家公共秩序情报单位（NPOIU），作为目标永无止境的目标列表乘以。无论是罢工海员和矿工还是反核武器，女权主义者或黑人工人和反对结构和警察的种族主义，记者和英国人工人，爱尔兰共和党人或动物权利活动人员，任何异议声音和集团都是公平的SPYCOPS。成为政府劳动力或保守党的恐怖主义法案的传递，这是他们完全共谋的证据 - 宣传升级，技术的进步提供了更多的秘密监督机会。小册子跟踪所有这些开发，具有多个引用和脚注。
Then suddenly in 2010 it all imploded, as first the eco-warrior spycop Mark Kennedy was exposed, and many more followed as people’s long held suspicions were given credibility. But for activists and campaigners there was a fundamental problem – except in very rare cases, nobody knew the spycops real names and identities, so who knew which person was a spycop?
Court cases followed as some very brave campaigners, mainly women coerced into relationships, went public and sued the Metropolitan Police. Activist researchers began to piece together the known facts along with other evidence and suspicions. As the evidence grew of the extent of the snooping – believed now to have covered more than1000个不同的广告系列组织– pressure from campaigners and a few honest journalists and politicians forced the May government in 2014 to announce a publicUndercover Policing Inquiry (UCPI), in an attempt to shut people up (although it will only consider state snooping up 2011, a decade on it still continues). In November 2020, after years of delays and disruption by the police and other state agencies, that Inquiry finally started to hear目击者的证据- 在封闭的门后面，没有公共视频流，以及传播口头证据的时间延迟。几乎所有对匿名的请求，以及国家和警察都被授予。随后和威尔队会continue in April 2021。
But then to really twist the knife, and in a display of total contempt for their own Public Inquiry, in autumn 2020 the Tory government introduced it’s Covert Human Intelligence Sources (Criminal Conduct) Bill, aka SpyCops Bill, into Parliament. This is now in it’s最后阶段before becoming Law, it has not been opposed by Labour, although some individual Labour politicians, along with many civil liberties and labour movement bodies, have spoken out.
As thePolice Spies Out Of Lives Campaign注意到这么粗暴，不寒而栗，注意到：
The government’s new Bill will enshrine in law the very wrongdoing and criminality we have been fighting to legislate against…If this bill is passed unamended, state operatives will become officially above the law. The abuses they have perpetrated against women like us will continue to be sanctioned and authorised. A society that allows for authorised murder, sexual violence and torture is one that is brutalised and desensitised to violence. This bill fundamentally undermines human rights and must be challenged.
对于我们这些关心人权,自由,nd a more just and fairer world however, the SpyCops Bill is sadly just the thin end of the wedge as we move into 2021. Also currently passing through Parliament is the海外运营法案, which has been roundly condemned by the likes ofAmnesty。同时netpol指出那：
And as Colin Thomas notes at the end ofState Snooping: