UPW 金博宝亚洲体育Bristol Branch Strike Trats 1971年3月:领导3月份与分公司迪克森,哈里Varcoe和Monty Banks的分支机构的日子电话。PIC DC.

15.th1971年2月是联合王国Decimalisation Day:不再有12便士到一个先令,半冠或240便士到英镑。那天,50年前,也是在1926年一般罢工以来的最大罢工中的最大罢工中,这是一个最大的罢工:44天的国家罢工20万邮局工作者。


In October 1969 the Post Office Corporation was created, carved out of an iconic part of the British Civil Service. Profits and budgets were increasingly emphasised at the expense of public service obligations, while Civil Service collective bargaining was side lined. When Ted Heath’s Tory Government was elected in 1970, many right-wing Tory MPs like Christopher Chataway, the new Posts Minister, openly argued for the part-privatisation of the vastly profitable telecommunications part of the Post Office.


Inflation was rampant, and the UPW claim for 15% would mean, at least, a real rather than an apparent pay rise. The Post Office offered 7%, then raised it to 8%. The UPW Executive Council, with Tom Jackson as General Secretary, saw this as an insult, and, under UPW Rules, without a ballot, called an all-out national strike from Wednesday January 20th!

Militant day telephonists at the Bristol UPW Rally in the Colston Hall, January 1971. Pic Bristol Evening Post.

From the Shetland Islands to Penzance, from Anglesey to Yarmouth, Post Office workers struck. The UPW produced a poster to accompany the claim: “Albert Edmondson, postman, works a 43 hour, six-day week, for this he takes home less than £16; Jenny Merritt, a telephonist, works a 41-hour, six-day week. For this she takes home £10.15s. Ian Moyes, a counter clerk, works a 42-hour six-day week and takes home £14 10s, even with five hours overtime.”


在罢工期间举行的断断续续的会谈中,Ryland,一个雄心勃勃的强硬派,甚至可能在没有得到保守党内政部长Robert Carr的日常命令的情况下采取行动,将工资提高到了9%,但前提是UPW同意将兼职工大量增加到邮递员级别,这是一个“封闭的商店”,即100%的工会,几乎100%是男性。UPW拒绝了这个“提议”,罢工继续进行,这场消耗战影响了全国的每一个城市、城镇和村庄。

皇后广场的最后一个金博宝亚洲体育布里斯托尔罢工是雪行:讲话是副分支秘书Monty Banks。罢工者带着黑色棺材,借来的卡迪夫户外垫子,上面画:“在这里留下了邮递员SID的身体:他不能存在于十四quid!”PIC DC.


Not surprisingly, it was outside the main city telephone exchanges that angry mass picketing took place. Police were often called out, as scabs alleged harassment, and pickets complained of liquids being poured on them from the exchange’s upper floors. Many telephonists came away in tears from claiming their last pre-strike wage, £8, paid in arrears, when managers withheld a five-pound note and told them: “You will get this only if you stay in work now!”

接听者分开,罢工从头到尾扎实:根本没有漂移到工作。这适用于农村地区和城市。在伊弗拉科姆,北德文郡,迈克克里克几十年来,伊弗拉科特图克秘书召回,只有一个PHG UPW成员劈开了53分的分支。迈克说,这一PHG多年后遇到了很难的时间。



人们普遍认为,该联盟的罢工宣传越好:为什么汤姆杰克逊和Upw执行理事会突然呼吁罢工,六周后,没有任何警告,只有一个国家 -赞助咨询,以弥补其15%的索赔索赔?

“官方”超纯水理由是一个简单的一个:the union had run out of money and was close to bankruptcy. Of course, the hardship fund was running out, but this explanation cannot, surely, be accepted by historians now, without investigating alternative strategies that had been, and were available to WIN the dispute.

What were they? First and perhaps foremost, the UPW could have asked the other Post Office unions to show real solidarity and strike with them till they won. The UPW could even have called out its own “Ship to Shore” radio operators, such as its members at Portishead Radio Station in Somerset: only a few hundred UPW members nationally, yet crucial to the whole operation of the UK merchant fleet; the UPW could also have appealed to ASTMS members (‘Left-winger’ Clive Jenkins union) who staffed the Telex Service to strike in sympathy. POMSA, the Post Office Management Staff Association, had many members who wanted to walk out with their UPW colleagues, but they were never asked. George Massey, the Communist POMSA Secretary for Bristol, remembered secretly collecting money for the UPW strike fund from about 20% of his supervisor members at the Small Street Head Post Office.

最重要的是,所有这些妹妹邮局工会,UPW应该向强大的熟练职业邮局工程联盟提出上诉,他们的电话工程师尽管是STD /订阅者中继线拨号,可能会对工商提供重大压力。尽管在2月底与UPW一起团结了一天的Poeu罢工,但这太少而且太晚了。如果他们的总书记是众议院的一名成员,可能仍然不如热衷于敏锐,那么Poeu分支机构和成员呢?

Second, the TUC, and especially the key TUC unions, including those ‘left-wing’ led such as ASTMS, the AEU and the TGWU, need not have failed the UPW. When they failed the UPW, failing with either substantial hardship donations or supportive strike action, they should have been challenged and publicly shamed. After all, even from a ‘reformist’ parliamentary-socialist outlook, it was surely in the interests of their own members to ensure the UPW was not defeated!


英国内政部部长卡尔(Robert Carr)发起的保守党劳资关系法案遭到英国工会联盟(TUC)的反对,起初有些不一致,但在23日的UPW罢工期间,一个英国工会联盟发起了伦敦集会rd2月,召集了100,000多个贸易团体。At that Hyde Park Rally, Tom Jackson was the most popular speaker, while the forked tongue of TUC General Secretary Vic Feather ‘gave his full support.’ When Feather failed to deliver on this TUC promise, and others, Tom Jackson kept silent, and when the strike collapsed, allowed his members’ anger to be concentrated upon himself.


TUC总理事会还承诺追求的工作场所收藏。虽然一些工会给了大量捐款,但其他工会向UPW制作了双刃贷款:NUR借10万英镑;TGWU,AEU和家具工会每人50,000英镑。然而,这只是这些贷款,或者UPW无法重新支付,这是在四到五个星期之后,导致UPW的银行家威胁到Union的Clapham HQ没收。

Trains and lorries carried vast numbers of parcels throughout the strike, which, despite donations to the UPW, the NUR and TGWU did little or nothing to prevent. Local Government and Civil Service union members were allowed by their leaders to deliver mail between their departments.


由于债权人施压,UPW高管失去了信心,就像罢工突然被叫停一样。伸出触角;邮局察觉到了UPW的投降,“侠义”同意了一个有约束力的法庭来调查这一争端,于是,在3月3日rd1971, the UPW Executive, led by Jackson, put the union’s bureaucracy and bricks and mortar before its membership, and decided by 27 votes to 4 to call an immediate Branch Ballot for a return to work.

These meetings were held within 5 days, amid some accusations of undue haste: for example, Mount Pleasant meetings were always held on Sundays, yet many members awoke on that Sunday to find their branch meeting had already been called on the Saturday! Moreover, if a Branch of 2,000 members had voted to call the strike off by 1,100 votes to 900, under UPW Rules, all 2,000 votes were cast for ending the strike. The final vote, translated into actual membership figures, was 190,614 to 10,427.

金博宝亚洲体育布里斯托尔UPW分公司组织者丽克森,布里斯托尔·斯巴州秘书(和共产党)乔治·梅西,诺曼驻诺曼斯塔尔副总秘书长,在COLSTON HALL集会之前。Pic 金博宝亚洲体育Bristol晚间帖子


Even without TUC support, could the UPW militants, including the young women telephonists who had become radicalised, have saved the day, and kept the strike going? The answer must be, as a single isolated alternative, ‘No.’ If there had been unofficial UPW movements in the lead up to the strikes of 1964 and 1969, they had not developed any permanent rank and file organisation. Unlike the strikes and disputes of the 1990s, the best UPW Branches had no tradition or practice to combine unofficially to pressurise the UPW Executive. UPW members were exceptionally loyal to their local and nationally-elected leaders, and, consequently, exceptionally bitter when left leaderless.

UPW行政机构中的共产党人充其量是一个忠诚的反对派,据保罗·富特(Paul Foot)说,这四个人,包括他们的领导人、助理秘书长莫里斯·斯泰尔斯(Maurice Styles)都投票赞成投降。我不知道CPGB有任何关于争议的文章,更不用说小册子了,所以现在能够阅读CPGB内部的任何讨论是很有意思的。

Paul Foot wrote a pamphlet on behalf of the International Socialists, John Weal on behalf of the International Marxist Group, but although some good points were made, these suffered from being accounts by outsiders. Only Joe Jacobs, ex-Communist turned anarcho-syndicalist, and a Cable Street veteran, who also wrote a critical account of 1971, was a UPW member, but his influence must have been minimal.

亨利·哈特曼爵士询问是达到罢工的叶片,掩盖了投降。Despite Tom Jackson’s eloquence, and the impressive personal testimony of UPW members from the different grades, the Inquiry ordered a binding settlement of 9%, the acceleration of mechanisation into Post Offices, productivity schemes to pay for the extra 1%, and the new idea of extra money for postmen in areas where recruitment had been difficult.


整个UPW和员工/ PHG等级特别是98%的浓度,是未来十年半的苦涩和怨恨。在威廉·罗兰的艰难姿态,政府遭到痛苦,几乎肯定地凝视着。苦涩也在汤姆杰克逊他们的领导者。在他的职业生涯杰克逊可能一直受到小报,甚至可以接受的,并控制他的UPW行政和UPW年度会议,但反复否认失败缺乏定罪,他从未与他的成员恢复受欢迎。


许多罢工退伍军人在任何表现出武力迹象的新人都特别痛苦。当我1978年加入了一个年轻的激进的社会主义,加入了克斯维登邮局,我被1971年的退伍军人再次被告知时间和时间,“甚至没有提到罢工,大卫:我们经历了1971年,所以再也没有了!”Doug Pond是一位Bridgwater邮递员,在他的钱包里保留了1971年的社会保障收据,直到他在49年的服务后退休了!

Yet the basic union organisation, especially in the sorting and delivery offices, remained solid. The Tories, until the 1980s, were unable to remove the closed shop in this Royal Mail section of the Post Office. By 1982, even in Clevedon, successful unofficial strikes had taken place. Later in the 1980’s there were major disputes in cities like Leeds and Liverpool. In 1987 there was a national dispute for a shorter working week.


With mail volumes showing a massive increase in the late 1980s/early 1990s, the stage was set for a remarkable trade union renaissance: the massive and prolonged militancy of Royal Mail workers, which, for the last 30 years, has been, without doubt, the best organised section of the British working-class.

As a UCW/CWU Bridgwater Delivery Office Rep, and Bristol Branch Officer, I am proud to have played my own small part in this: at Bridgwater Delivery Office between 1993 and December 2016, when I retired, we held 20-odd strike ballots, walked out unofficially ten times, held eight official strikes, all without a single significant defeat. That total would be significantly increased if, during those years, you took the Bristol Branch Royal Mail offices as a whole. Even during Covid, Bridgwater Delivery Office Royal Mail CWU members have held three successful wildcat strikes!

戴夫Chapple.was a Somerset Post Office/Royal Mail delivery postman for 38 years, and is, in retirement, Secretary of Bridgwater and District TUC. Dave is also the author of “Grasshopper, Stonkers and Straight Eights: George Massey and Bristol Post Office Workers, 1930 to 1976”, “Henry Suss and the Jewish Working-Class of Manchester and Salford”, “Idris and Phyllis Rose, Trowbridge Communist Councillors” (in “Wiltshire Industrial History, Working-Class Episodes”)and “Class Conflict in a Somerset Town-Bridgwater 1924 to 1927”, second-hand copies of which are still available on line.

He can be contacted at



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