正如你会从标题可能已经云集,杰拉尔德·霍恩教授不浪费时间和切碎他的话。引进第一款同样令人耳目一新的不妥协的有关立场,这本书花费:

1603和1714之间的年是也许是最决定性的英国历史。在十七世纪开始时,sceptered小岛是出现在十八世纪初是,在许多方面,这个世界上唯一的超级大国统治一个二等功,但英国。然后,它传递接力棒交给其令人作呕产卵,美国,已进行全球支配地位进入本世纪后。[我的重点]

霍恩教授是不抱任何幻想,以此种大胆,挑衅断言将资产阶级自由派历史学家接收的接待,因为书中的每个语句严格注脚,确实有比二没少在上面引述的入门款。霍恩教授来好斗领域的历史自下而上“的两个装备精良的,并不愿意采取囚犯。这是一个自信位置,其在该评认为,是由于井赞赏和掌声。

霍恩教授然后继续做世纪的一个引人注目的扫描,配合在一起的明显分离,但实际上完全集成美洲和加勒比地区和奴隶贸易的定居者殖民化股 - 进入资本主义“原始积累”的经典马克思主义的典范。Because it was in this turbulent century of a dramatically changing world that these two threads became inextricably interwoven, and the author explains how the racialised ideology of ‘whiteness’ was created as the means for a newly emerging ruling class to try and resolve the pressing existential contradictions that had arisen in the process.

霍恩开始与呈现在十六世纪末的竞争在欧洲专制君主的照片 - 西班牙,葡萄牙,法国,奥地利和土耳其,以及两个小国,但地方资本主义已经相对发达 - 英格兰和荷兰。西班牙和葡萄牙一直在扩大国家权力的开拓者和渴求海外掠夺到美洲,但尽管灾难,他们已经对土著文明造成其中的手段妥善利用这些土地资源已经躲避他们。土耳其和奥地利由于其地理位置缺乏动手能力,所以它留给法国,英国,以及17世纪40年代还荷兰,向前驱动葡萄牙和西班牙开始了殖民项目的下一阶段。

关键的问题,因为霍恩轮廓,是劳动力严重短缺的提高,资本主义需要为它的发展和竞争力的收益。需要砍伐森林,种植园工作,贸易路线合股和研讨会载人,甚至从战争难民和战俘的战争的不断流动的宗教,或与新发展出来的古老的传统奴隶制和农奴制的如契约劳工,欧洲人不能诱导,自愿或武力,在足够大的数字横渡大西洋和参与竞争的专制君主及其同伙商人的野心。

而在那些最初的欧洲半奴隶谁存活了横渡大西洋的旅程中,不满的那种折磨人的劳动需要保证这些谁没有屈服于热带疾病可能由逃跑融入城镇或边境牢度和逃生实现自由夺回。此外,还有对契约劳工或战俘的战争多久可以被利用为免费,例如,如果在一条约结束了战争,或者如果契约期间跑出一个时间限制。北美的阿丁谁存活种族灭绝和欧洲的病毒也往往他们的征服者逃到内部的浩瀚,而那些留在回击了显着的凶猛和外交灵活性反对任何企图接近四分之三把它们变成了资本主义机器的齿轮。

所以需要,并幸运的是欧洲商人和君主虽然不幸的非洲人和美国本地人一样的新的自我复制的劳动力,同时出现了一个新的市场在人体非洲浮现出。This ‘trade’ had humble enough beginnings but had been present from the start, and the initial victims were in fact treated no differently to their European or indigenous counterparts – they could be ‘manumised’ or freed after their term of bondage was over, and advance to acquire property or even slaves of their own. All this however was to change once European merchants realised that the ever-urgent demand for labour by the plantation aristocracies可以通过非洲人的交通直接从大陆填写最便宜的,利用来自欧洲优越的燧发滑膛枪和其他制造新奇非洲精英的引进助长战争。

霍恩向我们展示了生动如何跨大西洋非洲奴隶贸易在十七世纪下半叶迅速扩大 - 第一它是如何深入研究,以在非洲和加勒比地区增进退化问题的严重性,二是如何立即实现庞大的财富由少数影响力的绝对值君主,他依靠的,在英国尤其是商家之间的不稳定平衡。所以奴隶制的种族化,现在摆脱颖而出,作为新的手段都需要在殖民地划分潜在叛逆的劳动力 - 黑色,棕色和白色的一致好评。The former divisions of religion were starting to fade in Europe in the wake of the calamity of the Thirty Years War and as Ottoman power receded, so a new divisive ideology of ‘whiteness’ started to grow in its place, arising out of the economic needs of the slave trade. It had the additional bonus of being able to divide the Africans from the Europeans and ‘identify’ fugitives etc by the simple means of skin colour. It also solved the other problem of the term of labour running out, because if you could propagate the racist idea that African people were chattels fitted only for hard, back-breaking labour, then it stood to ‘reason’ that they and their offspring in captivity could likewise be perpetually defined in the same context in relation to bourgeois concepts of ‘property and freedom’. In one ideological stroke, black Africans had been transformed into a self-perpetuating force of slave labour.

But new problems were arising in that the Caribbean was attracting fewer and fewer ‘whites’ to take advantage of their new overseer/free artisan role due to the still high death rate from tropical diseases, and with the plantation owners being simultaneously confronted by growing and successful slave revolts, in the case of England the whole project shifted gear instead to the North American mainland, a much more receptive environment to the project and able to be far easier transformed into the apocalyptic epicentre of settler-colonialism that the book’s title refers to. Because here there were enough ‘white’ settlers of all classes to – if sufficiently indoctrinated with the ideology of ‘whiteness’ conferring privilege – feel motivated enough to suppress the Africans (or indigenes) that surrounded them should they get too restive. Savage punishments already tried and tested in the Caribbean on the ‘subhumans’ were imported and applied with gory ruthlessness on the mainland, to set the example for the centuries ahead.

Professor Horne concludes his study of this pivotal era in capitalist primitive accumulation by England with the 1689 ‘Glorious Revolution’, exposing it as the crass means whereby the wider merchant classes, until then excluded from the profits of slavery by the royal monopoly, were able to prise this jewel from the monarch’s grip and so seize (and expand, hugely) the trade itself – in a decisive blow against the economy of the crown. And as he has argued elsewhere – on the eighteenth century in America in1776年的反革命- 霍恩重申,它也标志着一个独立的北美统治阶级的诞生,建立了不小的部分上racialised奴隶制的机构,其阶级利益由1776恶毒不是一个系统,英国资产阶级就已经筋疲力尽结束并希望从搬开 - 以更方便的剩余劳动的提取和利用的手段。

这是一个令人印象深刻的书,以及值得有兴趣在西方资本主义起源的任何人读,尤其是作为其racialised征收和剥削的形式如何初具规模。它给出的解释还对种族分裂和压迫继续使这一天特别是在美国的模式,并提供了基于类的欢迎还击可悲认同政治,往往主宰这个问题在自由主义主流。

千电子伏博伊兰(5月,2020年)

移民殖民主义的启示:奴隶制,白人至上主义的根源,与资本主义在十七世纪北美及加勒比封面