This 2008 book is a significant contribution to an ongoing process whereby Chinese radicals are reappraising dominant narratives on revolutionary China and in particular on the ‘Cultural Revolution’ (CR) period of 1966-76, thereby challenging the official Chinese Communist Party (CCP) dismissive verdict over Mao’s later policies and the so-called ‘Gang of Four’.

While most of us on ‘The Left’ in the West know a fair bit about the 1917 Russian Revolution for example, our knowledge of China’s revolutionary period tends to be much less informed, and we often dismiss the Mao-led CCP as just another monolithic Stalinist deviation with all the associated horrors and a rigid, highly centralised authority that led to catastrophic socio-economic experiments, mass indoctrinations of Red Guards with Little Red Books, millions of deaths, concentration camps etc.

In争斗为中国的过去,利用马克思主义分析摩博高要求我们然而,当我们从这些叙述,什么意识形态和社会经济的目的,他们可能有助于。作为社会学家,他也有兴趣在我们如何通过的内存,价值观和感知的身份,在这里我们可以强调甚至例如和减退或擦除他人追求我们(经常未说明)目标扭曲某些事件的过程中构建历史。

His rigorous investigation starts with an incisive questioning of the memoirs, autobiographies and biographies we are familiar with in The West, such as毛The Unknown Storyby Jung Chang (also author ofWild Swans) and Jon Halliday. In a similar vein he also questions those non-translated high profile accounts in Chinese, whether published in mainland China, Hong Kong or Taiwan. These investigations reveal quite a lot, for example not only the privileged CCP family background of Jung Chang for example and the western bourgeois media frenzy around her ‘autobiographical’ account of the CR that had made herWild Swansa bestseller, but also the shockingly poor/misleading academic research that went into毛The Unknown Story- 她的跟进毛泽东的传记“就是这样充满了各种野生的,不支持的指控完成的工作负担更接近的相似性比它真实的历史研究京剧戏剧性的情节。

After offering a devastating critique of such high publicity commentaries and exposing their dubious credentials, for example another account by ‘Mao’s personal doctor’ Li Zhisui, Mobo Gao then starts to look at the more recently surfacing and much less publicised accounts of the CR period, of interest to us because unlike the authors mentioned who achieved fame, recognition and fortune out of their stories, these are the accounts of workers and peasants and how they and their families experienced the CR. And the two threads of perspective are indeed radically different. We discover for example that during the CR peasants enjoyed for the first time ever a functioning and efficient health service and that their life expectancy shot up by 20 years, huge advances in agriculture were made that eliminated the formerly ever-present threat of famine since imperial times, industrial productivity rose sharply, the social profile of women was promoted, and in the communes (based on a version of the Paris Commune as proposed by Mao), both workers and peasants enjoyed, again for the first time, a significant measure of localised democratic control over their workplaces and in the running of their communities.

在这本书中毛泽东领导下的中国共产党被揭示为在斯大林服装残酷东方专制主义身着的东方观念很远,而是一个高度复杂,因为这是发挥出跨时代的作为竞争对手的想法和利益集团波动战场的过程the party tried to evolve from its origins as a pan-nationalist ‘popular front’ against US and Japanese imperialism, through heavy-handed centrally planned development efforts into belatedly adopting its own vision of a socialist programme – and where Mao was anything but ‘in total control’ – before the Dengist ‘capitalist roaders’ finally took over the party and state from 1976 onwards.

The author leaves us with the battle over China’s past still being played out today – but now under new dynamics as formerly dominant western bourgeois or neo-liberal/CCP hierarchy narratives are increasingly challenged, and with a space finally beginning to emerge, both in China and beyond, for a rigorous, balanced re-appraisal of the Cultural Revolution and Mao’s legacy and what this means for the direction of socialism today.

凯文·博伊兰(四月,2020年)

争斗为中国的过去: Mao and The Cultural Revolution Cover

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