Book review and discussion of Extinction Rebellion:This is Not a Drill: An Extinction Rebellion Handbook编辑。由克莱尔·法雷尔et al.(London: Penguin, 2019).

问:谁在2019年10月被描述为一个“真正的女权主义革命的绿色”?(答案在最后,没有现在滚动...)

“运行同志,旧世界在你后面!”到巴黎1968年的口号,这仍然是正确的,同志之一,灾难性的掠夺性资本主义的旧世界在我们面前太饲养起来。消光叛乱(XR)已经在最近的生态动员的高潮的最前沿,挑战无限的经济增长对气候变化的电流轨迹和生活世界的后果。This is Not a Drill是的XR的想法第一本书的篇幅表达。XR提出了自己的品牌,这立即引发信任问题的东西。作为一个重要的朋友,我会在一开始说,我对XR的想法是流体,我会重新阅读本审查,在一年的时间兴趣。我目前的想法建议,考虑其他的选择 - 新自由主义照常营业或超绿和左批评者缺乏可行的替代品 - 最好的办法是伪造的生态正义与数字和XR的影响,渐进和有效运行optimism and dynamism of Youth Strike 4 Climate and the more revolutionary and far-reaching ideas of the IWW’s Earth Strike and Green Anti-Capitalist Front. This review ofThis is Not a Drill会考虑一些XR的优势,劣势机会和威胁。

优势

在写这篇文章的时候,XR是一岁。在此期间,其影响一直令人印象深刻,推动气候变化和行星界限的裂口上政治议程的关注。在伦敦的三大动员已经推动这一成就,沿着数百名当地抗议,如机场扩建和水力压裂技术的直接行动面临的问题。XR也激发超越英国的行动,与许多国际行动2019年在XR已建成,并从以前的社会运动,如回收的街道和占领了解到十月服用XR旗帜下进行。像类似的前辈,XR会创建授权和令人振奋的参与机会,生产经验,它可以是个人变革。学习,团结和偶然性的时刻应该在自己的权利,因为珍惜,因为在2019年过去时小册子精美观察路狂欢:一个非常简短的回收街道,灭绝叛逆与超越的历史:“无论RTS和XR行动,在他们的最好,就像斗争的所有瞬间,产生的后果主要是参与其中的人,本身是否将‘运动’赢得什么打架”(24)。此外,呼应占据,范达娜湿婆攻击“的1%的贪欲无限”的期待This is Not a Drill(5)。XR了,在大多数情况下,能够在框架问题,一个盘踞在经济不公正,因此全身。这是非常重要的,因此,承认一些XR的第一年的成功。

To date, XR has demonstrated two chief strengths. First, XR has shown the ability to build up a robust support infrastructure. Second, underpinning its objectives and awareness-raising with community-skills sharing and evidence-based information. Tactically it has been effective, with high-impact actions bolstered by what William Skeaping’s essay refers to as ‘stories of epic reinforcement’ (139). Moreover, XR has been audacious in its demand for immediate change. Previously, mainstream environmental campaigns have sought to take a softly, softly approach for fear of alienating potential support. By contrast, XR stresses its watchwords #tellthetruth about the perilous direction that capitalism is taking and has been upfront about the devastating consequences to come if there is no far-reaching systemic transformation by the ambitious deadline of 2025. Public opinion polls appear to indicate a significant shift in citing ecological crises as a priority since the Declaration of Rebellion and the publication of demands to be heard set out inThis is Not a Drill。无论XR将继续抢占头条新闻,并保持待观察其高调的遗体。

Efforts to reach out to a wider constituency of support and to include diverse voices have also been one of XR’s strengths. Essays inThis is Not a Drill反映此事,与来自全球的南部和包容性和全球正义是突出宣传的声音。该XR组织框架内嵌入的是内置的侨民,职业和技能,宗教和信仰和社会群体类别的多个社区团体XR。团体,如环境正义座已与XR网络合作,使巨大的吸引力是当务之急。这些尝试都是向前迈进了一步,因为建立一个广泛阵线的失败环境竞选的前半个世纪中一直缺乏进展的主要原因。然而,这必须的,必然的,是一个工作项目。

Success in community outreach, however, has been less decisive. There is a perception that white middle-class activists are still the most prominent in mobilisations and in decision-making processes. Distrust of the police and other state agents long tasked with the enforcement of a so-called ‘hostile environment’ against migrants serves to alienate many at the sharp end of such policies from love chants bestowed upon the police. Debt-ridden working-class communities battered by years of austerity are not in a position to be willingly arrested and face expensive court costs. A nurse involved in the Autumn Rebellion commented to me: ‘people struggling with big debts cannot afford to risk arrest and £700 fines, so don’t feel able to engage in the same way’. Nevertheless, awareness of ecological justice issues is integral to the approach set out inThis is Not a Drill。Farhana亚明,例如,讨论XR的推出国际团结网中的哪一个锻造与“在世界上大多数现有的电阻”(26)其中的生态危机已经是当今的现实联系。XR的,在社区推广,并纳入阶级和殖民主义在方法上的尝试是,因此,鼓励,但仍保留作为的程度,这些问题正在解决和综合实践。

班克斯的街头艺术在伦敦XR事件

弱点

缺乏坚实的需求是XR项目的根本弱点。它的三个既定目标(现配制成三要求比尔)是欢迎的,但模糊的,仅限于游说政府变革。不幸的是,游说政府约翰逊和新自由主义的同行,就像是试图说服猫不吃沙丁鱼。该贡献者This is Not a Drill在设定了需要解决生态危机,以及为积极的变化清晰的情况下。这不应该是有争议的。然而XR失败,阐明了一种要实现这样的目标激进的社会变革的途径。不可避免地,带来的净零碳未来的一次具体措施识别,意识形态和利益冲突的出现,与社会力量的他们的问题。作为出资人意识到,生态危机因此不,尽管一个XR口号“超越政治”(178),但在人群被锁定到不正常的和不可持续的经济和政治制度的情况下的表现。试图超越这种状况不能简单地断言。我们都应该思考基础上的生态危机的任何方案,“谁从中受益?”“它可能会如何扩展或跨?”“如何民主决策和责任保证?”这些都是政治问题。

虽然XR往往是精明的战术在他们的方法中,网络的总体战略是值得怀疑的。突出的战略一直呼吁非暴力的公民抗命通过市中心封锁破坏照常营业。优良的基础建设,有许多社区支持和集团的发展已经产生和持续这种大规模的行动。这些行动都不可避免地涉及XR活动家的大规模逮捕;仅在秋季叛乱在伦敦(2019年10月)期间,超过1800。要成功地保持这一势头,XR的动员需要在范围和强度随着时间的推移越滚越大。这是值得商榷的,然而,逮捕的这些行动和数字是否是可持续的;作为新颖性,并因此新闻价值这样的方法,减少,难以预见到数字将继续增加。

此外,已经有在对个人和团体“倦怠”的财政负担和风险方面发生显著的个人成本。此外,绿色和黑色十字,a group that provides legal support to people undertaking protest and direct action, felt compelled to withdraw its limited resources from XR actions in May 2019. This was due to the overload of cases and misgivings about what they perceived as failings in the movement’s approach to legal support. Green and Black Cross, together with others within XR, have also repeatedly expressed concerns about the way that XR groups have been collecting significant amounts of personal data from XR supporters. While this may be due to the well-meaning principle of transparency, such practices risk compromising supporters’ online and personal security. Ongoing evaluation and adaptation of current strategies is essential and should be integrated within the necessary escalation of ecological resistance over the coming months.

联系到这样的战略和组织的弱点一直就选择了XR行动目标的争论。城市中心的中断是一个生态紧急的情况下合理的,但可能会适得其反,如果它影响的普通人,而不是针对资本和国家负责的系统性生态​​破坏的组织。为此,XR主要是封锁了2019年10月期间,叛乱有关气候变化的政府建筑和基础设施。XR目标包括财政部,下议院和伦敦证券交易所上市。不幸的是,当XR的宗教亲合团体之一进行了一次判断错误和广泛报道的干预,这涉及到在坎宁镇地铁站占领地铁,动作显著事与愿违,当一些乘客猛烈袭击所涉及的活动家。虽然有类怒气,比气候示威者,无数的评论,包括很多XR同情者更好的目标,明白这是自己的目标,并名正言顺地批评了行动。其结果是在右翼新闻界的一部分会见了喜悦(谁最终提供覆盖在利物浦街地铁站,在城市的金融区的心脏拒绝采取类似行动)和其他批评者,因为它从生态应急转向关注。

战略困难的部分原因是,虽然This is Not a Drill号称是XR的手册,two of the group’s most prominent theorists, Roger Hallam and Gail Bradbrook, do not clearly articulate how getting people onto the streets, with accompanying advice on how to block a road or shut a bridge, will unleash the potential to bring about far-reaching ecological transformation. How will government declarations of a climate and ecological emergency translate into policies that confront the current perilous trajectory of environmental destruction, within a capitalist system reliant upon economic growth? Challenges concerning effective strategy have confronted to all ecological activist groups from Greenpeace and Friends of the Earth to Earth First!, Reclaim The Streets and Climate Camp. These groups and others have won notable battles over the past fifty years, but have not scaled up to shift the paradigm of destruction. As the ecological crisis deepens, the current wave of activists cannot afford to fail.

机会

透视当前绿色复苏礼物中的多样性行动的统一挑战,也是机遇,以反映和发展的新举措。一个XR的早期行动是占领绿色和平组织的办公室在伦敦,献爱心的挑战(126-127)。不像绿色和平组织,从一开始就在消息This is Not a Drill是明确的反资本主义,由山姆骑士坚持认为系统性变革是必要的和必需的音集:

和资本主义,导致它殖民主义的相关危机 - - 不会被逐步改革和烂妥协来解决,因为他们认识到,气候危机越来越多的人正在加入这个运动。这是一个需要在规模自由基体系变更前(11)从未见过的危机。

XR的基本情况是一个强大的一个。首先,行星的界限已经被攻破了灾难性的和不断升级的后果。其次,现在谁相信这种状况的人口比例可以调动灌输一种紧迫感,这转化为影响深远的社会问题和政治行动。主流媒体会发现越来越难以保持环境问题出头条新闻或帧他们的故事赞成照常营业。也有人强调,人类是由一个广泛的生态紧急情况,不仅仅是一个气候危机面临。巨大的地球日罢工20th2019年9月证明大量的people believe that this ecological crisis is a political and social priority. In Bristol, for example, thousands joined what was to be one of the largest political demonstrations for many years. They showed that there is already a significant constituency of support for radical change beyond the parameters of XR actions. XR’s focus to date has been to use civil disobedience as a lobbying tool to exert pressure upon government and to appeal to the multinational corporations that are causing the crises.

然而,也有一个更广泛的需求为主导,解决方案为重点的办法,一个是不依赖于一个机会,而是outflanks,政府的行动。有潜力更授权策略,以影响真实的改变。的重点Earth Strike UK’s Green Great Charter是在这,而不是呼吁绿色紧缩政策,我们应该鼓动,并强调,有广泛的社会利益变化的原则接地部分。它主张扩大公共及生产和分销手段的民主控制,以确保基本货物和服务的优先过渡性要求。虽然XR看起来杠杆人口的3.5%,已经同情其原因通过游说加压政府,鼓舞人口的这一比例实现直接行动在社区一级变化可能产生更大的影响和更可持续的。

Above all, interventions that are inventive, unco-opted and constructively critical have the best chance to generate solidarity and bring about changes that create fresh opportunities for further changes. The Salish Sea Black Autonomists recently tweeted some wise words that can be applied not just to XR, but to the wider present-day social movement for ecology:

当涉及到任何暴动或社会运动,这是从来没有的“支持”问题 - 给观看体育比赛在场边和“支持”或“声讨”是没用的。它总是找朋友,并找出如何为一个迫使许多矛盾的力量之间的介入的问题。

(萨利希海黑色Autonomists,2019年9月8日在Twitter上)。

Tweet of 20th September 2019

威胁

该方案载于This is Not a Drillfaces significant internal threats from within XR. Chief among these are expressed through misgivings about XR’s links to business and the risk of appropriation by those interests, and also concerns about the organisation’s structures of power and accountability. In addition to the weaknesses already discussed, the XR project risks recruitment to the interests of ‘green’ entrepreneurship, interests that at their most cynical seek to turn ecological disaster to account by boosting profits. ‘Green’ capitalism’s efforts to seize opportunities for increased market share risks refuelling, rather than reversing, the current model of extraction and consumption. Grassroots activists within XR need to be conscious and vigilant since there is a thin line between working私人组织和工作for他们。在2019年5月XR被迫发出尴尬回缩当XR商务网站成立,才得以迅速删除下列从它的支持者和其他批评性。XR的业务模式的争议问题不会在功能This is Not a Drill。Contributor Kate Raworth draws attention to the formidable challenge presented by structural dependency on the capitalist economic growth model, calling for ‘economic rebels to create thriving, regenerative and distributive economies that can meet the needs of all people within the life-supporting systems of the unique living planet’ (154). I would not argue with this aspiration. The means to affect this transition from dominant forms of neo-liberalism and globalisation are a challenge to all progressive social justice and ecological movements.

The issue of governance is also absent fromThis is Not a Drill。XR的网站上提供了有关信息的方式的Self Organising System试图解决这一挑战,以实现非分层组织结构。XR目前的决策过程,但是,是有争议的,显然流体。预先存在的关于该组织的“后达成共识”模式的怀疑是通过在坎宁镇地铁站(如上所述),其透露显著的缺点,现在内XR承认的崩溃加剧。如果它的完整性和一致性是要保留的,而排斥两者先锋主义和“structurelessness专制”建立信任较宽网络内是必不可少的。Citing the effectiveness of Bristol’s local Easton Anti-Poll Tax Union, Danny Burns and Cordula Reimann’s essay on ‘Movement Building’ (106-8) advocates the kind of decentralised community base-building and solidarity that was generated to resist and defeat the poll tax during the 1990s. If XR is to follow a direct-democracy model it would do well to follow the governance of the libertarian municipalism espoused by social ecologists in keeping with Murray Bookchin’s ideas. On this model, powers are devolved to the local level which sends recallable delegates to regional assemblies. These can ultimately constrain the actions of entities which break underlying principles of democracy and inclusivity vested in popular assemblies. For XR, efforts to negotiate power within a socially and ideologically diverse network continue to evolve; its ongoing record in this area will be a significant determining factor in the network’s success or failure over the coming months.

不可避免的是,到绝种叛乱的最大威胁将来自于国家联合的力量,尤其是在一个保守的管理,以及政治和经济利益,通过主流媒体代表。尽管政府五月以前的气候紧急声明,鲍里斯·约翰逊迅速标记的人在街道上的秋天作为叛乱“不合作crusties”。Speaking in front of a Policy Exchange backdrop (see below), this signalled that the neo-liberal ideologue would take a confrontational stance. Home Secretary Priti Patel also immediately affirmed a draconian approach. First, in an attempt to pre-emptively thwart the mobilisation, the Police Territorial Support Group arrested activists for ‘串谋公害’ and confiscated camping equipment during the run-up to the Autumn Rebellion. Efforts to neutralise the impact of XR and other ecological direct-action groups were applied by arresting increasing numbers of people for civil disobedience. A Frome activist spoke to me of soft measures to demoralise; police timed their move in on mass make arrests, for example, for the moment when a huge communal dinner was served. The police adopted repressive measures, moreover, by criminalising the entire protest under the Public Order Act, when, on 14th10月,他们宣布在接下来的几天在伦敦任何进一步的示威游行的禁令。随后,在6th十一月,这一禁令被判定为在高等法院裁定违法的。

除了,明显的“地上”治安,近几十年来发生的事件表明,警方间谍不仅常规浸润直接作用生态类群,但会去极端的长度,以破坏活动家。政策交易所的报告公布极端主义叛乱:意识形态和战术述评, 2019年7月,表明XR的抗议活动soon become a source of interest and concern for the surveillance state. Policy Exchange authors, Tom Wilson and Richard Walton claim to have produced an exposé of XR. The publication of极端主义叛乱是的东西绝技it seems, since former Head of the Metropolitan Police Counter Terrorism Command Walton writes of his own work:

作者已经成功地戳穿灭绝起义的历史,战略和战术,揭示其基本理念和意图。

国家和公众将从此开创性的论文获得巨大利益,在环境极端主义在英国认识了新的突破(极端主义叛乱,6)。

尽管它的说法,这是“英国领先的智囊......一个独立的,非党派的教育慈善机构”,该政策交流是保守派政治家成立了一个右翼组织保持密切联系,以保守党。其受托人和支持者的粗略回顾揭示政治和军事权力的上层的代表。政策交易所,澳大利亚政客和商人唐纳主席拥有大量的石油和铀矿开采利益。理查德·沃尔顿,该报告的合着者,是紧密相连鲍勃·兰伯特(又名“鲍勃·罗宾逊),在该中心的间谍Spycops丑闻(who had multiple affairs and fathered a child in his role as an undercover police officer). Walton was recommended for调查的“不当行为”被投诉警方独立监察委员会,following ongoing allegations that Walton and Lambert had been involved in intelligence gathering to discredit the Lawrence family in the wake of the McPherson Inquiry, avoiding further scrutiny and disciplinary action since he retired in 2016, just after a case to answer was announced. Policy Exchange is therefore supported by influential figures at the heart of the surveillance state and military, big business interests and central government at the highest level (Boris Johnson is always happy to front a Policy Exchange platform). The power wielded by the entrenched economic and ideological interests behind ‘charities’ like the Policy Exchange amounts to a formidable barrier to challenging the economic trajectories that are the root cause of the ecological crisis.

有政策捕获和锁定化石燃料的影响阻碍灵活性,以适应和发展措施,进行必要的改造固有的危险。While the words ‘extremism’ and ‘extremist’ are scattered throughout the Policy Exchange’s document, for such terms to have any meaning it is necessary to demonstrate negative outcomes and consequences as opposed to ‘politically moderate’ policies of continuation (presumably Walton and Wilson include themselves in this category). The climate denial that was popular a decade ago has been largely routed by evidence, at least in the UK. The authors acknowledge that ‘This paper does not seek to dispute any of the details relating to climate change or the damage caused to the environment by current human activities’ (极端主义叛乱,10)。然而,有理念上的智库,它提供了没有条理或可行的手段来应对危机到XR正在制定急需关注的部分响应破产。此故障本身就已经是导致极端的那种负面影响全球二氧化碳的排放量继续上升。XR等生态直接行动小组无疑需要保护自己免受渗透和持续的不实陈述的威胁状态时,额外的国家和非国家行为者,如假标志民粹主义团体。

Boris Johnson has close links to the ‘non-partisan’ Policy Exchange

灭绝之乱has outdone other ecological groups in gaining media coverage. Yet it faces a formidable challenge to communicate its plea for rapid transformation in the face of BBC’s reluctance to give space to anti-establishment perspectives and the big business interests behind tabloid newspapers. Unsurprisingly, the mass- circulation right-wing press dusted down the thesaurus of stock words and phrases that they keep for any protest that they deem to be left-wing or environmental. ‘Chaos’, ‘hypocrites’, ‘brazen’, ‘shameless’, ‘militant’, ‘eco nuts’, ‘zealots’, pushing us back to the Stone Age or the Dark Ages, ‘workshy’ and ‘far left mob’ all appeared in the pages of appeared in the pages of太阳The Daily Mail, The Daily Star每日快报。Activists are either labelled as dangerously feral crusties or naïve middle-class do-gooders, just as they were during the 1990’s road protests and the 2000’s Occupy movement. While tired old clichés seem laughable, such papers have an effective and powerful role as opinion formers with anti-welfare and anti-immigration rhetoric influencing policies that have caused thousands of premature deaths in recent years.

这一次由大企业的利益,如取景太阳subsidiary of News Corporation, one of the most powerful global corporations, takes its impetus from fake populism and fake anti-elitism in an attempt to marginalise activists as somehow distinct, and to label ecological campaigners as social deviants in their readers’ imaginations. This narrative of environmentalism as a middle-class concern poses a dangerous threat, when in the UK working-class communities often suffer most from air pollution and other forms of environmental degradation and globally the poorest populations are most vulnerable to ongoing climate change. Since it remains almost impossible for the UK’s majority media and broadcasters to represent ideas outside of the dominant capitalist paradigm that has created the ecological crisis they must be challenged, yet currently remain a significant and entrenched obstacle to progress in this area.

在政治和文化领域的另一端,XR一直被一些环保活动家和左界内攻击。从表面上看,有些人可能担心被他们认为他们“拥有”,因为大众普及动员爆发,占据街头,呼吁生态化改造,甚至攻击资本主义文化境内边缘化。嘿,这不就是我们的空间!?,他们担心。为了老前辈,响应很熟悉。在Road Rave(17), Past Tense reflected with the benefit of hindsight on the ‘anarcho-snobbery’ that had shaped some responses to Reclaim The Streets, as hardcore activists assumed their own ideas were most ‘politically advanced’ and were ‘dismissive’ of the mass street actions of the 1990s. Demands to move beyond capitalism and hierarchy are many, both within the present ecological mobilisations and among left and ultra-green detractors, although new strategies for achieving this are fewer on the ground. Some groups, such as the Green Anti-Capitalist Front (GAF) have taken a more militant and autonomous stance than XR, but generally worked alongside XR mobilisations. Despite low numbers, GAF have made valuable contributions to the present debates about the way forward for the UK ecological direct-action movement, producing useful critiques and framing the home struggle within global ecological resistance and climate justice. Such debates reflect distinctive and sometimes antagonistic strands within political ecology. This diversity represents both a strength, weakness and a threat to current mobilisations. They at once make for a healthily plural spectrum of views, yet also render the current ecological movement vulnerable to internal division, undermining the solidarity required to take on the formidable and globalised neo-liberal foe.

This is Not a Drillis more problem-focussed than solutions focussed, although different approaches currently co-exist within XR. Labour Party MP Clive Lewis makes the case for a Green New Deal (155-161). The notion of a Green New Deal carries much support within XR. Such a policy would aim to implement an extensive coordinated transformation to decarbonise the economy, while upholding principles of social justice. Models for the New Green Deal, however, are contested and even mutually exclusive. They range from the prototype inspired by US Congresswoman Alexandria-Ocasio-Cortez’s bill that Lewis considers, to be delivered by a mixed economy ‘democratic-socialist’ state, to outright ‘green’ capitalist ventures to no-growth versions to a worker-led transformation of a kind that Earth Strike envisions. Perhaps the most techno-utopian strand of transformation is that represented by Aaron Bastani’s 2019 book全自动豪华共产主义。From plans for worker control during the 1960s, to the famous Lucas Plan for a transition from the arms industry in 1975, to discussions about safeguarding mining communities while transitioning from coal during the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike, there is a long red-green history of just economic transition. At the same time, deep-green critics find the whole notion of a Green New Deal inextricably linked to the ideology of industrialism and the大自然的金融化。他们认为领导是谁资助XR品牌有隐蔽动机指数;渴望通过利用新技术来支持XR作为一个木马,一个运动员在比赛中更多的资本积累。有关过渡的实用性方法这种差异表明激进的环境思想中显著分歧。

有必要优先考虑生产核心人类需要,而不是发动基于绿色消费的观念开采,生产和消费的新风潮。在此存在激进的环境思想,社会生态和深绿色生态两个原本不同的倾向之间达成广泛共识。社会生态学家SEE生态破坏为根深蒂固的社会功能障碍和不公的表现,从古代层次资本主义归因于压迫性的权力结构。这种结构应该理解,通过对文化进化和革命激进的,平等的战略抗拒,转化。从穆雷布克钦和其他社会生态学家思想家的思想通过他们采纳阿卜杜拉·奥贾兰和库尔德人的行动自由变得特别有影响力。库尔德革命者在布克钦的自由意志自治制度描绘成民主confederalism,性别平等和生态可持续性,革命的西库德斯坦关键支柱(目前正在由土耳其国家攻击)和土耳其,伊拉克和伊朗内交感神经社区的灵感。在XR的邀请,库尔德人团结网跑了对库尔德人积极性和社会生态质量研讨会伦敦市中心的四月份2019年占领期间库尔德活动家表示,他们的行动和XR应该“站在一起,大致对准运动”的愿望。与此同时,社会生态学家的观点将寻求内的概念,即资本主义国家可以进行改革,以实现可持续生态社会的XR打消元素,因为这会导致XR未能攻击生态危机的根源。在XR更多的恶意攻击都来自于防工业和反文明的深绿色运动的团体和个人,许多联系,但在关键的,深绿色阻力,原始主义中的主要协调组次。的方法这种差异反映了类似地球的第一个网络内的社会生态学家和深生态学家倾向之间的激烈纠纷的延续和激化的潜力!在20世纪90年代。

在此背景下,也有XR的创始人和官方的声音之间的意见显著和不可避免的分歧和紧张关系,通过媒体声明,并表示内的文章This is Not a Drill和XR基层积极分子和其他人加入本生态动员旁边或外部XR的。一个博客张贴露西描述这种紧张参加2019十月的秋季起义后:

还有就是XR官员之间整体的主要断开时,XR Twitter账户和新闻稿,他们给了媒体和其中发生在地面上。on the ground you’ll see people calling our camps a commune, you’ll meet those who call for solidarity with armed resistance in the global south, you’ll see countless banners describing how it’s capitalism which has done this and the capitalist system that we fight against (‘我有灭绝之乱周”,2019 10月19日)。

这是一个公平的维权人士决定发表评论d to give the XR mobilisations the benefit of the doubt. While the current ecological resurgence is a sign of hope, rebels against extinction, green anti-capitalists, youth and earth strikers must generate wider solidarity and continually think on their feet. Any ecological direct-action movement must navigate the many threats outlined above if it is to sustain and resist being engulfed and recuperated by the environmentally-destructive interests it is struggling to overcome, and to avoid imploding from within, due to its own weaknesses, differences and contradictions.

布里斯托尔(2019年4月)抗XR涂鸦金博宝亚洲体育

一些结论性的思考

在审查This is Not a Drill,I have summarised some of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats that the XR project faces. Contributor Sam Knights is candid about its prospects, acknowledging from the outset that ‘Perhaps the rebellion will have died’ (9), even by the time the book is printed! Published just a few months after XR’s launch, this title is a first draft, an accessible collection of voices demanding urgent change. It is a snapshot of the ‘zeitgeist’, an influential book of a critical historical moment, a history of now. As shown, XR has many critical friends within and alongside it.This is Not a Drill是XR努力发展其品牌标识,但没有标识生成的一部分是正确怀疑品牌。此外,XR的敌人之间的观点分歧显著也许只是反映了现在的政治普遍,意见是截然不同的两派。

最恶劣的批评,串通查看生态行动的电流波形。瑞典女生葛丽泰·桑伯格,谁已经成为为当今的环保主义有名无实,特别是已经遭遇显著人身攻击。此外,XR已经不信任和攻击是邪恶和空心马的东西。在写作极端主义叛乱Wilson and Walton, believe they have exposed the hidden agenda of XR, laying bare a stalking horse to reveal ‘the real objective being to destabilise the existing order’ (11), deeming it to be ‘rooted in the political extremism of anarchism, eco-socialism and radical anti-capitalist environmentalism’ (5). At Policy Exchange’s opposite extreme, some green anarchists and deep-green left have peered into the Trojan horse of the Green New Deal and believe XR is a conspiracy to perpetuate capitalism. So, what is really behind the stalking horse or inside the Trojan horse? Despite this equinophobia, whatever they say XR is, that is what it’s not.

生态和气候危机是我们这一代的领导挑战;不应对这一挑战的经济和社会福祉就会受到危害。然而,环境恶化是体现在不同尚未连接附带的危机,如全球贫困和排斥,军事冲突和精神疾病,资本主义内部的所有棘手的深刻的社会和经济功能障碍的表现。响应,因此,必须是全面的,革命性的,所有部门解决。尽管一些激进的绿色和左圈内的批评,资本主义和生态破坏之间的连接内XR被广泛理解和想法,在一个有限的星球无限增长是不可能的也常常重复。虽然XR可能不会列明资本主义职位的计划,任何这样的途径是从最新的革命性分析缺席。一个更有力的批评是,XR低估了不可分割的互连和资本主义和国家的双重演进。确实,This is Not a Drill与公民和国家之间的略微荒谬切出社会契约结束。

This is Not a Drill让思想的风味和内XR接近,最大电流生态的抵抗组织。地球前锋,青年对气候和灭绝叛军的更广泛的网络需要有自己的关于他们的智慧,因为从漂绿解开真正的红,绿和黑色的阻力将是一个持续的挑战。尽管如此,他们已经动员了一些,因为生态运动的1960年代后期出现在50年见过的最大的示威活动。他们还成功地创建了一个几乎不存在一年前的一次政治空间和潜力。

白马与XR标志在奥尔顿巴恩斯,威尔特

Answer: Margaret Thatcher, according to Prime Minister Boris Johnson as quoted by the每日邮件https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7549033/London-braces-day-2-chaos-Extinction-Rebellion-crusties-plan-shutdown-Westminster.html

史蒂夫^ h

This is Not a Drill Cover

1 Comment

  1. Very interesting reading, people are beginning to wake up to the fact that capitalism,greed,profit before people, profit before the planet, globalisation ever expanding economic growth, the monetary system it’self, overpopulation of our big cities which increases consumerism and benefits the upper class elite at the detriment of the lower working classes.More people driving cars, more people buying electric, gaz, more people flying back home, more people using trains, more people need houses, so more trees and green landscape being destroyed.We should by now be living in a planet friendly utopia with free energy, electric cars, prosperity,so on and so on.The whole monetary system is what is causing all the problems in society and is destroying this planet, thus creating climate change.The fight against the system is going to be a long and arduous one so we the people also need to play a numbers game against the rich upper class elitist capitalists, but hey, Rome wasn’t built in a day!

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